Our Kids Aren’t the Only Ones Suffering From Inequality. We’re Failing Our Parents Too!

You wouldn’t know it to read the news these days, but the Baby Boomers are in trouble.

Rarely does a day go by that the Baby Boomers aren’t blamed for something. They’re bankrupting Social Security. They caused the Great Recession. They’re hogging all the money.

Well, I’m here to tell you that you’ve got the wrong culprit. Most Baby Boomers don’t have nearly as much money as you think they do. You’re rounding up the many to prosecute the few. That’s just bad police work.

This is a plea for the parents out there. They raised us and fed us, they taught us and nursed us, they brought us into this world, and for the most part, they tried to make it better for us. And we are failing them.

We are failing our parents.

We have a strange sense of obligation in this country. We talk a lot about what we owe our children but very little about what we owe our parents. The future is sacrosanct; the past quickly forgotten.

And we should talk about our children. Because we’re failing them too.

Pick up a copy of Robert Putnam’s new book Our Kids, and you’ll see all the ways we’re failing them:

  • More and more kids are growing up with one parent instead of two. The single parent is less likely to find a job. They have less time to spend with their kids. As a result, their children perform worse in school, exhibit more behavioral problems, and experience more anxiety and depression.
  • More and more kids aren’t eating dinner with their family. They aren’t having conversations with their parents. They don’t know the alphabet when they start school. And they never catch up!
  • More and more kids are living below or near the poverty line, where they “experience severe or chronic stress,” making it harder to concentrate, “cope with adversity, and organize their lives.” They are more likely to be neglected, discouraged, abused, and traumatized. And they have permanent brain damage!
  • More and more families can’t keep up with the rising cost of childcare. They send their kids to low-quality daycare. They have less time available to spend with their kids. And when they do spend time with them, their financial worries make it harder for them to be patient, focus, and nurture.
  • More and more students are falling behind their peers in school. Their parents don’t have the time or knowledge to help them. Their schools don’t have the fundraising capability to make up the difference. Their teachers are demoralized. Their classmates are disruptive, discouraging, and even violent. Extracurricular activities are either unavailable or too expensive to participate in. College is even more expensive. And if they do make it to college, it’s one with lower graduation rates and a future of higher unemployment and lower earnings.
  • More and more kids don’t trust people. They don’t have mentors to teach them about life. They don’t have youth organizations to keep them safe and healthy. They don’t have programs to show them how to apply for college or budget their money. They don’t have contacts to help them find a job. And they think their vote doesn’t matter, so the problem just keeps getting worse!

For Putnam, this is where the story ends. And who can blame him? Kids are an easy sell. No one can blame them for their lot in life.

But what happens when they become adults? We don’t like to talk about that part. Affordable housing, food stamps, incarceration, labor unions, mandated health insurance, Medicaid, Medicare, the minimum wage, paid leave, progressive taxation, public jobs, Social Security, unemployment insurance, welfare — that’s the controversial stuff. Better not to touch those subjects. Kids deserve a helping hand, but adults? We’re not so sure.

The problem is, those adults were kids once upon a time too, and when they were, many of them had it just as bad. And now, after heaping disadvantage upon disadvantage on them for twenty years, they’re expected to compete on the same playing field as everyone else. It’s as if they were running a race, and their peers were given a twenty-year head start — and we criticize them for not catching up!

These adults deserve equalizing policies every bit as much as their kids.

Long-Term Unemployment by AgeThe young and the old aren’t so different after all. It’s the wrong contrast. Even if we wanted to take money from the old and give it to the young, it wouldn’t work because they don’t have it!

The Baby Boomers are trillions of dollars short of the wealth they need to retire without a “drastic lifestyle change.” Over half of them will get most of their income from Social Security, and one in four will have nothing but Social Security. For those who got laid off during the Great Recession, they’re having a much harder time getting rehired than younger generations. And because they were the ones who were holding mortgages when the bubble popped, their homeownership rate has nosedived so badly that Trulia’s chief economist Jed Kolko calls them “the lost generation of homeowners.”

Clearly, inequality affects Americans of every age — and that is why you cannot cure what ails the children without treating the parents, for the ailment is not generational. It is economic, and it perpetuates itself down through the generations.

So, yes, by all means, let’s talk about inequality of opportunity for our kids because that’s where it all starts. But let’s also remember that those kids grow up, and when they do, it doesn’t get easier. The scars of childhood last a lifetime.

We tend to overlook those scars and place blame on those who have fallen behind in the race. But for those of us who have been given a head start and don’t reach back to offer them a hand, the real failure rests with us.

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This op-ed was originally published on the Huffington Post.

Do the Math: People Don’t Choose to Be Poor or Unemployed

Long-Term Unemployment HistoryGod, I wish I were poor.

And unemployed. That’s the good life. Poor and unemployed.

I mean, just look at all the cool stuff you get. Medicaid and welfare. Food stamps and unemployment insurance. And don’t forget public housing.

This stuff is so awesome that it’s like a “hammock that lulls able-bodied people to lives of dependency and complacency, that drains them of their will and their incentive to make the most of their lives.” That’s what Paul Ryan says, at least, and as the Chairman of the House Budget Committee, he’s supposed to know these things, right?

According to Ryan and his fellow Republicans, if I have unemployment insurance, I’ll never want to work again. Senator Rand Paul says it will cause me “to become part of this perpetual unemployed group.” With an average benefit of $269 per week, I’ll be living on Easy Street.

This is a common belief. There’s an email making the rounds from a 54-year-old consulting engineer who makes $60,000 a year and has to pay $482 a month for health insurance under Obamacare, but that’s not his biggest complaint. He’s really upset that his 61-year-old girlfriend who makes $18,000 a year only has to pay $1 a month for health insurance.

He thinks she has it so easy that she can afford to pay more, but he’s wrong.

On average, Americans earning $18,000 a year pay more than $3,000 in taxes, so she really only has $15,000 leftover to pay her expenses. She lives in Monterey, CA, where the average rent and utilities add up to $15,000 a year. So, after paying taxes, rent, and utilities, she’s completely broke. She doesn’t have money for food, let alone health insurance.

The consulting engineer thinks people will choose her lifestyle over his. “Heck, why study engineering when I can be a schlub for $20K per year?” he asks. (Nice way to talk about your girlfriend, by the way.) To which I’d like to reply: If being a “schlub” is so attractive, why don’t you do it? Why don’t you quit your engineering job and join the “$20K per year” club?

For that matter, why don’t we all quit our jobs right now and start collecting unemployment insurance? How far do you honestly think we can stretch $269 a week?

I’ll tell you how far: It would cover less than half of the basic necessities for the average American family.

That’s why unemployment makes you more likely to have to borrow money from a friend, withdraw money from your retirement savings, and have trouble paying your medical bills, rent, and mortgage. It makes you more likely to have a stroke or heart attack, lose self-respect, have difficulty sleeping, and seek professional help for anxiety and depression. It makes you more likely to kill yourself, kill others, and drink yourself to death.

And if you’ve been unemployed for more than a few months, most employers won’t even look at your résumé. It doesn’t matter how qualified you are. It’s like you don’t exist anymore.

The last time it was this bad, with long-term unemployment close to 3 percent of the workforce, was the peak of the 1980-81 recession. Back then, the federal government kept extended unemployment insurance in place for almost two more years, until the long-term unemployment rate fell close to 1 percent. In fact, that’s been standard operating procedure for every recession in the modern era, including 1990-91 and 2001. But now, with long-term unemployment as high as it’s been since World War II, Republicans have killed the emergency unemployment insurance program, and they’re fighting Democrats’ efforts to restore it.

They don’t seem to care that there are 2.9 applicants for every job opening. They don’t seem to care that people on unemployment insurance actually spend more time searching for work than their fellow unemployed who are ineligible for benefits. They’re sticking to their story.

On the 50th anniversary of the War on Poverty, many Americans are still operating under the assumption that people choose to be poor and unemployed, that they’d rather be lazy than rich, that they can afford the basic necessities of life. But the numbers tell a different story.

I don’t wish I were poor. Or unemployed. And I sure don’t wish it on anyone else. If you did the math, neither would you.

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This op-ed was recently published in the South Florida Sun-Sentinel and the Huffington Post.

My New Book Has Been Published! Just in Time for the Holidays…

Letter to the One PercentAvailable in hardcover from Lulu Press, Inc:

Support independent publishing: Buy this book on Lulu.

Available in e-book format from Lulu Press, Inc:

Support independent publishing: Buy this e-book on Lulu.

Available in Kindle format at Amazon.com:

Buy from Amazon.com!

 What It’s All About…

Letter to the One Percent is exactly what it sounds like: a letter to the richest one percent of American households. It is a call to action, a plea for compassion, and a manifesto for the future. It tells the story of their extraordinary success — and how the other 99 percent of Americans missed out. It explains how this divergence caused household income to stagnate, forced millions of Americans into poverty, and triggered the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression. It appeals to the better angels of their nature to bear a higher burden — by paying higher taxes, empowering labor, and cracking down on white-collar crime — in order to reverse the damage done in the past three decades.

No other writer has dared to speak these truths directly to power. Every other mainstream book preaches to the choir. Only Letter to the One Percent is brave enough to challenge the rich to do what the country needs them to do. It is not an attack. It is not class warfare. On the contrary: It is a challenge to end the class war that the One Percent has been winning and the 99 Percent has been losing.

No other political subject is as timely as this one. No other economic trend is as pivotal. From the financial crisis in 2008, to Occupy Wall Street in 2010, to the presidential election in 2012, the divergence between the One Percent and the 99 Percent has been the most talked-about issue in American current events. And yet, no one has synthesized the causes and consequences of it in a succinct, yet comprehensive, book. No one has translated the protests and the politics into the simple pocketbook impact that it has had on the average American household. This is the biggest story of our time, and Letter to the One Percent is the first book to tell it fully, accurately, and unflinchingly.

Advance Praise for Letter to the One Percent

“In just 85 pages, the brilliant young economist Anthony W. Orlando analyzes the events of the past thirty-five years and thoroughly explores the rise of the One Percent at the expense of the rest of us. It is truly a manifesto for the 99 Percent and should be read by every one of us.”

— Reese Schonfeld, founding President and CEO of CNN

Letter to the One Percent is an excellent primer and refresher course on macroeconomics. It helped me understand why the U.S. is experiencing the current economic state of affairs. It is also a compassionate call to action. At first, one may not agree with the basic thesis, but it makes complete sense. I am now a believer and highly recommend this read.”

— Mark Itkin, Co-Head of Worldwide Television at William Morris Endeavor

“Anthony W. Orlando has written a short dossier and critique of America’s descent into a very troubled and vulnerable society. He presents it in the original form of a letter chastising the One Percent for these policy failures and urging them to get hold of themselves and opt for decency and long-run survival. But he also provides a small storehouse of ammunition for the 99 Percent to use in their self-defense.”

— Edward S. Herman, Professor Emeritus of Finance at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, bestselling co-author of Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media

“Anthony W. Orlando has the unique ability to translate complex economic phenomena into everyday, nuts-and-bolts language. He speaks for a brave new generation with a voice that deserves to be heard.”

— Susan M. Wachter, Professor of Real Estate and Finance at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, former Assistant Secretary of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development

“…this well-researched, carefully cited book is a valuable resource for understanding how the country got in such a perilous position and what can be done about it. Using a clear, authoritative writing style,…Orlando…manages to present an impressive number of facts without overwhelming readers. In particular, the statistics he presents are startling, even for those who closely follow the state of the economy.”

— Kirkus Reviews

The Federal Government Didn’t Lose the War on Poverty. It Retreated.

U.S. Poverty Rate, 1959 to 2009

In 1904, half the population of New York City lived below the poverty line.

Half. Can you imagine? The poor were so numerous that they nearly outnumbered everyone else.

Today, less than 20 percent of New Yorkers live in poverty. That’s still a serious problem, but it’s a far cry from 50 percent.

Clearly, we did something right.

But in today’s political arena, we don’t talk about what we did right. We talk about what we’re doing wrong. We spend so much time talking about our problems and failures that we seem to have forgotten our nation’s great victories.

This historical amnesia is a dangerous mistake. It poisons our hearts with pessimism. It blinds us to the lessons and solutions we need. Most New Yorkers have no idea how prevalent poverty used to be — or how their predecessors made it go away.

And they’re not the only ones. “We have spent $15 trillion from the federal government fighting poverty,” said Rep. Paul Ryan on Fox News last month, “and look at where we are, the highest poverty rates in a generation, 15 percent of Americans live in poverty.”

Ryan is speaking on behalf of millions of Americans who believe that the War on Poverty was a failure, when in fact it’s one of the greatest success stories in our nation’s history.

If Ryan thinks 15 percent is high, he should go back a hundred years when the poverty rate was three times that. Back then, the government didn’t officially measure poverty, but historians have reconstructed close approximations based on the cost of living and the distribution of household income in those days. Thanks to their calculations, we now know that 44 to 45 percent of Americans lived in poverty in the early 1910s.

A generation later, after the Great Depression and World War II, the poverty rate had fallen to 22 percent.

Can you imagine? They cut the poverty rate in half — from 44 percent to 22 percent — in only a couple decades.

As far as wars go, that’s an astonishing victory. It should be celebrated alongside Gettysburg and Normandy. It should be commemorated and committed to our children’s memories. It should be studied by our civilian leaders in the same way that battlefield strategy is studied by our military leaders.

On this particular battlefield, the strategy that paid off was the New Deal, President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s ambitious series of programs that created jobs for the unemployed, Social Security for the elderly, regulation for the bankers, a minimum wage for the workers, and legal protections for the labor unions.

But the war was not over. One in five Americans still lived below the poverty line. And so, on January 8, 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson stood before Congress and made it official: “This administration today, here and now, declares unconditional war on poverty.”

Congress proceeded to embark on the Great Society, patching the holes left in Roosevelt’s New Deal. They expanded health insurance with Medicare for the elderly and Medicaid for the poor. They increased Social Security benefits and education funding for poor school districts. They established civil rights and a permanent food stamp program. They invested in urban redevelopment, rural development, and public transportation.

A decade later, the poverty rate bottomed out at 11 percent.

For the second time in half a century, the United States had cut the poverty rate in half — from 22 percent to 11 percent. And just as before, this extraordinary victory faded from our memories, and the policies that spawned it faded from our favor. We allowed labor laws to go unenforced, public investment to decline, and the minimum wage to stagnate even as the cost of living soared. We deregulated banking, and we stopped trying to get enough jobs for the unemployed or enough education funding for poor school districts.

So it’s no surprise that the poverty rate rose to 15 percent during the Great Recession. A century of progress has been forgotten.

Eliminating that final 15 percent is one of the great tasks before us in the 21st century. As we craft new solutions, let us not forget to preserve the old ones — and to honor the memory of those who worked so hard to give us so much.

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This op-ed was published in Friday’s South Florida Sun-Sentinel.